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Pakistan: Supporter or
spoiler?
By HARRIET ISOM
12/20/2009:If Afghanistan is
daunting for U.S. policy makers, neighboring Pakistan is an equal,
if not a more troubling dilemma. Its cooperation is required to
deny sanctuary to the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaeda in the lawless
frontier area with Afghanistan. Its own internal stability as a
nuclear nation is essential.
But as an ally, Pakistan is a mixed bag. It is helping us in some
realms but pursuing its own agenda in others, particularly in its
stubborn animus with India. It harbors throughout the country an
even scarier array of extremist jihadists than Afghanistan. Their
siren call is expanding through the Internet, as just attested by
five Americans arrested in Pakistan as they allegedly sought
contact with jihadist groups.
Since independence, Pakistan's government has shifted between the
military and civilians, but the latter have always been weak,
including today under the elected president, Asif Ali Zardari,
husband of the assassinated Benazir Bhutto.
The real power remains with the military; and they, not the
civilian government, hold the reins on Pakistan's nuclear weapons.
We talk a lot about corruption in the Karzai regime in
Afghanistan, but Pakistan too is rated as one of the most corrupt
governments in the world. President Zardari himself is tainted,
and the just renewed possibility of legal action against him only
hinders his influence and survivability.
Indeed, public malaise in Pakistan is widespread. A recent survey
by the British Council found a majority of young Pakistanis in
despair. The public education system is so abysmal that only 40
percent of children are enrolled in school. Jobs are very scarce.
And three-quarters of those polled identified themselves primarily
as Muslims first and Pakistanis, second. Only a third thought
democracy was the best system for Pakistan.
Small wonder then that militant groups in Pakistan draw in both
the educated and the uneducated with slogans of jihad.
Pakistan's intelligence service, ISI (Inter-Services
Intelligence), plays its own unique role. After the Soviets went
home in 1989 and the U.S. lost interest in Afghanistan, ISI
supported the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, and Pakistan was
one of only three governments to recognize it. Still today,
elements of ISI are reported secretly helping the Afghan Taliban.
Why? Because Pakistan is determined to keep Indian influence out
of Afghanistan (India supports President Karzai) and foresees a
benefit from that connection if the U.S. withdraws from
Afghanistan.
Another factor is that Pakistan has long used the jihadists to
battle India over disputed territory in Kashmir. The two countries
were finally holding talks to resolve the Kashmir issue when last
fall Lashkar-e-Taiba, a militant group from the central Pakistan
province of Punjab, undertook a devastating attack on the city of
Mumbai, India. The talks came to a screeching halt, with India
suspicious that elements of Pakistan's military and ISI had helped
organize the attack.
There is a startling American connection. An American citizen from
Chicago has just been arrested for allegedly making numerous
reconnaissance trips for Lashkar to Mumbai, posing as a
businessman, to survey the targets. Moreover, he was reported
helping with a plot for a Lashkar attack in Denmark against the
newspaper which published cartoons that caused an uproar in the
Muslim world.
It is another indication that the goals and international outreach
of these Pakistani jihadist organizations are expanding. I would
reckon that the threat of Lashkar is now at least equal to al-Qaeda.
Then there is Pakistan's wild west frontier with Afghanistan.
Those isolated provinces have been harboring a whole array of
jihadists - the Afghan Taliban, al-Qaeda, an assortment of
militant warlords and, since 2001, a Pakistani Taliban. Moreover,
what the press dubs "the Punjabi Taliban" have begun coming over
to fight in Afghanistan.
Foreign jihadists from the Persian Gulf states, north Africa,
Uzbekistan and elsewhere are plentiful in this area as well, and
are thought to supply the suicide bombers.
The Pakistani Taliban has concentrated its attention on expansion
into other areas of Pakistan such as the Swat Valley and in recent
weeks has launched daring and well planned bomb and suicide
attacks on major Pakistani cities, including key military
installations.
The U.S. and other allies have long been trying to convince
Pakistan that the jihadists are a threat to Pakistan itself. But
Pakistan's military has been loath to divert too many troops from
the eastern frontier with Kashmir to the western sector with
Afghanistan.
Under great pressure from the U.S., and increasingly having to
admit the damaging thrust of the Pakistani Taliban, the Pakistan
military has finally launched a well publicized military attack on
South Waziristan Province. Typical of the fighting in this region
which produces little body count, however, the Taliban has
dispersed into the rugged terrain and gone north.
And while the U.S. wants Pakistan to fight the multiple Taliban
factions, Pakistani officials have reportedly balked at pursuing
the Afghan Taliban or the potent Haqqani network.
Our relations with Pakistan are prickly and anti-American
sentiment is rising. There is public rage when U.S. drone attacks
against jihadi leaders kill civilians as well. Pakistanis seem to
fear in general that the U.S. is planning to take them over and
deprive them of their nuclear weapons. They badgered Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton during her October visit over what would
seem a very generous $7.5 billion aid package to underpin
Pakistan's economy and civilian institutions. The Pakistani
attitude was that its strings reflected American arrogance.
And, very troubling, was a report this week of a government
campaign to harass American diplomats and to deny us hundreds of
visas for aid and technical workers.
On Dec. 10, I found of interest an op-ed piece by Pakistan's
President Zardari in the New York Times entitled "How to Mend
Fences with Pakistan". While assuring us that Pakistan wants to
defeat the militants, he defends Pakistan's concern about India in
Kashmir. He suggests that the U.S. step in to mediate the Kashmir
dispute. But no U.S. administration has thus far wanted to step
into this hornet's nest. The U.S. response to Zardari is that this
is a bilateral issue to be resolved between Pakistan and India
with the active involvement of the people of Kashmir.
So the answer to the question of whether Pakistan is friend or foe
of the U.S. is that it is both - and it necessitates our most
nimble diplomacy.
Ambassador Harriet Isom grew up in Pendleton and has retired to
the family ranch. She was a career diplomat serving in Asia and
Africa from 1961 to 1996.
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